However, the gathering has been overshadowed by the conspicuous absence of two significant allies: the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), a ruling party in Tamil Nadu, and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which has faced its own political turbulence. Their decision to skip the meeting has raised fresh questions about the cohesion of India’s largest opposition formation.

Who Is Attending

Congress general secretary Jairam Ramesh confirmed the attendance of 23 parties in a post on X (formerly Twitter). “23 political parties have confirmed participation in the INDIA janbandhan meeting at Constitution Club, New Delhi on Monday June 8, 2026, at 12 noon,” Ramesh said. “Like India, the INDIA janbandhan continues to stand united through its diversity.”

Among the senior leaders expected to attend are Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, Rahul Gandhi, Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee (who left for Delhi on Sunday), Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, and Shiv Sena (UBT) chief Uddhav Thackeray, who is expected to join via video conferencing, according to party spokesperson Sanjay Raut.

Abhishek Banerjee of the TMC is also expected to attend, along with representatives from the CPI(M), CPI, NCP (Sharad Pawar faction), Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, and the Rashtriya Janata Dal, among others.

Why DMK and AAP Are Absent

The DMK’s absence is particularly significant given that it is one of the INDIA bloc’s strongest regional partners, governing Tamil Nadu with a comfortable majority. While party sources did not provide a detailed explanation, political analysts note that the DMK has historically maintained a degree of independence from Congress-led formations and may be recalibrating its position following recent electoral dynamics in southern India.

The AAP, led by Arvind Kejriwal, is also unlikely to attend. The party has been focused on its own legal and political challenges and has distanced itself from several INDIA bloc decisions in recent months. The absence of both parties suggests that the alliance, formed in 2023 to challenge the BJP’s dominance, continues to struggle with the fundamental challenge of keeping all its constituents aligned.

CPI(M) Attends Despite Tensions with Congress

Adding to the internal friction, the CPI(M) — which is attending the meeting — has publicly expressed displeasure with Congress. General Secretary M.A. Baby wrote to Kharge seeking clarification over repeated allegations by Congress leaders that the CPI(M) had an understanding with the BJP during the Kerala assembly election campaign. Baby warned that such remarks could “weaken the trust and unity within the opposition alliance.”

Despite the tensions, the party decided to participate and will be represented by Rajya Sabha MP John Brittas. The decision suggests that the CPI(M) wants to remain within the alliance framework while simultaneously pressing for a resolution to its grievances with Congress.

The internal dynamics of India’s political landscape have been turbulent, with developments such as the BJP’s cabinet expansion in West Bengal under Suvendu Adhikari shifting the balance of power and putting additional pressure on the opposition to present a credible alternative.

Key Agenda Items

While the formal agenda has not been publicly announced, sources within the alliance say the meeting is expected to cover several critical issues:

Electoral strategy for upcoming state elections — Multiple states go to polls in the next 18 months, and the bloc needs a coordinated approach to seat sharing and campaign strategy.

The 2029 Lok Sabha roadmap — With just three years until the next general election, the alliance must begin laying the groundwork for its challenge to the BJP.

Response to government policies — Including the economic impact of the rising cost of living driven by factors such as LPG price hikes, the handling of the NEET controversy, and India’s foreign policy direction amidst the ongoing West Asia crisis.

Internal cohesion — Addressing the trust deficit highlighted by the CPI(M)’s letter and managing the expectations of smaller alliance partners who feel sidelined by Congress.

The Bigger Picture

The INDIA bloc was formed in June 2023 as a grand opposition alliance to challenge the BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. While the alliance performed better than expected in some states, it failed to dislodge the BJP-led NDA from power. Since then, the alliance has faced a series of setbacks, including electoral losses in state elections and a gradual weakening of inter-party coordination.

Political changes across the country — including the recent Karnataka cabinet crisis resolved by DK Shivakumar — have demonstrated that even within Congress-governed states, managing factional politics remains a significant challenge. The ability of the INDIA bloc to function as a disciplined, nationwide opposition will depend on whether leaders like Mamata Banerjee, Rahul Gandhi, and Akhilesh Yadav can bridge ideological and strategic differences.

Monday’s meeting is being seen as a litmus test. If the bloc can emerge with a clear, unified message and a concrete action plan, it will signal that the alliance remains a viable political force. If the differences remain unresolved, it may accelerate the fragmentation that the BJP has consistently sought to exploit.

The post INDIA Bloc Meets in Delhi Today — 23 Opposition Parties Gather at Constitution Club as DMK and AAP Skip Crucial Strategy Session appeared first on Daily Tips.

Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi launched a sharp attack on the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) on Monday, accusing the board of charging students exorbitant fees for re-evaluation and verification of marks — even when discrepancies are allegedly caused by the board’s own errors in its digital scanning and marking process.

In a post on X (formerly Twitter), Gandhi wrote: “Beware of pickpockets — today they’re sitting inside CBSE. If marks come out wrong due to CBSE’s mistake, what do you get? A bill: Digital scan copy: Rs 100 per subject. Re-totalling: Rs 100 per paper. Re-evaluation: Rs 25 per question. A child might have to shell out up to Rs 2,000 just to get their own answer sheet properly checked.”

He added: “Think about it: when 4 lakh kids have filed such applications, how much money is CBSE making from its own mistakes? The mistake is CBSE’s, the punishment is for students, and the earnings go to the government.”

The Background: What Went Wrong with CBSE’s Digital Marking

The controversy erupted after CBSE declared Class 12 results on 12 May 2026, when thousands of students discovered unexpected discrepancies in their marks. Many reported significant drops from their pre-board and practice test scores, with some alleging that entire sections of their answer sheets appeared to have gone unscanned or unread during the digital evaluation process.

An investigation by ethical hackers, reported earlier in May, exposed security vulnerabilities in CBSE’s Online Scanning and Marking (OSM) system. The report found that the digital scanning process occasionally failed to capture certain pages of handwritten answer sheets, leading to incomplete evaluations. CBSE admitted to the security gaps but maintained that the system’s core integrity was intact.

The board subsequently opened a portal for students to apply for verification of marks, obtaining photocopies of evaluated answer sheets, and re-evaluation. However, each of these services comes with a fee, which has become the focal point of the current political controversy.

The Fee Structure Under Fire

CBSE’s post-result service fees are as follows: obtaining a digital scan copy of an evaluated answer sheet costs Rs 100 per subject; re-totalling (checking whether marks have been correctly added up) costs Rs 100 per paper; and re-evaluation (having the answer sheet re-marked by a different examiner) costs Rs 25 per question, which can add up to Rs 500–750 per subject depending on the number of questions.

For a student who wants all three services for five subjects — not uncommon for those who suspect systemic errors — the total cost can exceed Rs 2,000. For families from economically weaker sections, many of whom are the primary beneficiaries of government education schemes, this amount represents a significant burden.

Education activists point out that if the errors are in fact caused by CBSE’s scanning process, making students pay to correct them amounts to penalising the victim. “The board made the mistake, but the student has to pay to get it fixed. This is fundamentally unjust,” said Ashok Agarwal, a Delhi-based education rights lawyer who has filed cases against CBSE in the past.

Scale of the Problem

The numbers underscore the scale of the crisis. CBSE has acknowledged that approximately 4 lakh students — out of roughly 18.9 lakh who appeared for Class 12 exams in 2026 — have filed applications for one or more post-result services. This represents over 21 percent of total candidates, a significantly higher proportion than in previous years, suggesting that the marking discrepancies are widespread rather than isolated.

If the average student pays Rs 1,000 across various services, CBSE stands to collect approximately Rs 40 crore from post-result applications alone. Critics argue that this creates a perverse incentive: the more errors the system produces, the more revenue the board generates from correction requests.

CBSE Controller of Examinations denied this characterisation, stating that fees are “nominal and intended to cover administrative costs, not generate revenue.” The board said it was working to improve the OSM system and would provide free re-evaluation for cases where scanning errors are confirmed.

Political Reactions Pour In

Gandhi’s attack has triggered a broader political debate about the state of India’s examination system. Congress and other opposition parties have demanded that CBSE make all post-result services free for students, given the acknowledged flaws in the digital marking system.

Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan responded by saying that the government takes “examination integrity very seriously” and that CBSE is implementing “systemic reforms to prevent future errors.” He did not directly address the fee issue but said that financial assistance would be provided to economically disadvantaged students seeking re-evaluation.

The controversy comes at a sensitive time politically, with the broader education system already under scrutiny following the NEET paper leak scandal and questions about the National Testing Agency’s competence. The Cockroach Janta Party, a protest movement founded by activist Abhijeet Dipke, has announced plans for a Jantar Mantar demonstration on 6 June specifically targeting Education Minister Pradhan’s resignation.

What Students Can Do

Students who believe their marks are incorrect have a structured but time-bound process to follow. The verification of marks window opened on 2 June 2026 and will remain open for a limited period. Students must apply through the CBSE website with their roll number, school code, and examination details.

Education counsellors advise students to first obtain the digital scan copy of their answer sheet before deciding on re-evaluation. “Sometimes the scan copy itself reveals obvious errors — missing pages, incorrectly totalled marks — that can be addressed without the full re-evaluation process,” said Jayanti Dalmia, a Delhi-based career counsellor.

For students from economically weaker backgrounds, several NGOs and education foundations have announced they will cover re-evaluation costs. The National Students’ Union of India (NSUI), Congress’s student wing, has set up helpdesks in major cities to assist affected students.

The Bigger Picture

The CBSE fee controversy is part of a larger crisis of confidence in India’s examination infrastructure. From the NEET paper leaks to JEE Advanced controversy to CBSE’s digital marking failures, the institutions that millions of students rely on for fair assessment are facing unprecedented scrutiny.

As one parent in Delhi put it: “My daughter studied for two years. She knows what she wrote. When her marks don’t match her preparation, and we have to pay money to prove the board’s system failed — something is deeply wrong with the education system in this country.”

The Supreme Court, which is already hearing petitions related to examination reforms, is expected to take up the CBSE re-evaluation fee issue during its next hearing. Legal experts say there is a strong constitutional argument that students should not bear the financial burden of institutional failures.

The post CBSE Re-Evaluation Fee Controversy — Rahul Gandhi Accuses Board of Profiting from Its Own Mistakes appeared first on Daily Tips.

Siddaramaiah, the veteran Congress leader who had served as Karnataka’s Chief Minister for over two years in his second stint and over eight years cumulatively, formally tendered his resignation to Governor Thaawarchand Gehlot on Thursday, bringing to an end one of the longest chief ministerial tenures in the state’s history. Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar, who has been widely regarded as the chief minister-in-waiting since Congress’s landslide victory in the 2023 state elections, is expected to be sworn in as the new Chief Minister within the next 48 hours.

The transition, which has been in the works for several months, was orchestrated by the Congress high command with the dual objectives of honouring the long-standing promise made to Shivakumar during the 2023 seat-sharing negotiations and positioning the party for the crucial 2028 assembly elections. AICC President Mallikarjun Kharge and Rahul Gandhi are understood to have personally mediated the transition, ensuring a smooth handover that avoids the factional infighting that has historically plagued Congress leadership changes.

Siddaramaiah’s Legacy — From Poverty to Power

Siddaramaiah’s journey from a humble farming family in Mysuru district to becoming one of Karnataka’s longest-serving chief ministers is one of Indian politics’ most remarkable stories of social mobility. Born into a Kuruba (shepherding) community family, Siddaramaiah rose through the ranks of regional politics in the 1970s, initially as a follower of the socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia before joining the Janata Dal and eventually the Congress party in 2006.

His first term as Chief Minister from 2013 to 2018 was marked by progressive social welfare programmes, including the Anna Bhagya scheme that provided subsidised rice to below-poverty-line families, and the Indira Canteen initiative that provided affordable meals in urban areas. These programmes earned him the reputation of a mass leader deeply connected to the concerns of ordinary Karnatakas, and his electoral appeal among backward classes and Dalit communities remains unmatched in state politics.

His second term, which began after Congress’s decisive victory in the 2023 elections, continued the emphasis on social welfare while also focusing on infrastructure development and investment attraction. Under his watch, Karnataka attracted record levels of foreign direct investment, particularly in the technology and semiconductor sectors, with Bengaluru consolidating its position as India’s premier technology hub.

However, his tenure was not without controversy. The MUDA land allocation case, in which Siddaramaiah and his family were accused of irregularities in the acquisition of prime real estate, dogged his second term and provided ammunition to the BJP opposition. Though Siddaramaiah consistently denied wrongdoing and was not formally charged, the case created political headaches for the Congress party and may have accelerated the timeline for the leadership transition.

DK Shivakumar — The Troubleshooter Becomes Chief

DK Shivakumar, 64, brings a markedly different political profile to the Chief Minister’s office. While Siddaramaiah was the grassroots leader with deep connections to backward-class politics, Shivakumar is known as the Congress party’s quintessential organisational man — a leader whose ability to manage elections, handle defections and maintain party discipline has made him indispensable to the party’s operations in Karnataka and beyond.

Shivakumar’s appointment as Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee president in 2020 was widely credited with reviving the party’s organisational structure in the state after its devastating loss to the BJP in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. His door-to-door campaign strategy, aggressive social media presence and personal supervision of booth-level operations were key factors in Congress’s landslide 2023 assembly victory, which returned the party to power with 135 seats in the 224-member assembly.

His elevation to Chief Minister was part of an informal understanding within the party that the two-term power-sharing arrangement would see Siddaramaiah serve the first half of the five-year term before handing over to Shivakumar. The transition has taken longer than some Shivakumar supporters expected, largely due to Siddaramaiah’s reluctance to step down and the high command’s desire to avoid a messy public dispute.

Cabinet Reshuffle and Governance Priorities

Shivakumar is expected to undertake a significant cabinet reshuffle within a week of taking oath, bringing in his own loyalists while retaining key performers from the Siddaramaiah ministry. The reshuffle is seen as an opportunity to reinvigorate the government’s administrative agenda with just two years remaining before the 2028 assembly elections.

Priority areas for the new CM are expected to include accelerating infrastructure projects in Bengaluru, including the long-delayed suburban rail network and the peripheral ring road, boosting industrial investment in Tier-2 cities like Mysuru, Hubli-Dharwad and Mangaluru, and strengthening the implementation of guarantee schemes that Congress had promised during the 2023 campaign.

The five guarantee schemes — Shakti (free bus travel for women), Gruha Jyoti (free electricity), Anna Bhagya (subsidised rice), Gruha Lakshmi (monthly cash transfer to women heads of households) and Yuva Nidhi (unemployment allowance) — have been the cornerstone of the Congress government’s welfare agenda. However, the fiscal burden of these schemes, estimated at over Rs 50,000 crore annually, has raised concerns about the state’s fiscal health, and Shivakumar may face pressure to rationalise some of the programmes while maintaining their political appeal.

BJP’s Response and Political Implications

The BJP’s Karnataka unit described the leadership change as evidence of “internal chaos” in the Congress party, with former Chief Minister BS Yediyurappa saying the transition was “driven by factional compulsions rather than governance considerations.” BJP state president BY Vijayendra said the party would “hold the new Chief Minister accountable for every unfulfilled promise” and intensify its campaign against the Congress government’s handling of the state’s finances.

However, political analysts noted that the smooth nature of the transition might actually strengthen the Congress party’s position heading into the 2028 elections. By demonstrating its ability to manage a leadership change without the public acrimony that often accompanies such transitions in Indian politics, the party has shown a degree of organisational maturity that could reassure voters.

The transition also has implications beyond Karnataka. Congress’s ability to manage a successful power-sharing arrangement in its most important state government could serve as a template for similar arrangements in other states where the party faces internal competition between regional leaders. The outcome of the Shivakumar-led government’s performance will be closely watched by the party’s national leadership as it prepares for the next round of state elections.

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The post Siddaramaiah Steps Down as Karnataka Chief Minister — DK Shivakumar Set to Take Over as Congress Prepares for 2028 Assembly Polls appeared first on Daily Tips.