“Let me be very direct. European weapons have been used against India. European countries have supplied arms to nations that have been hostile to us,” Jaishankar said. “So when Europe lectures India about our relationships, we find it a bit rich. We will make our foreign policy based on our national interest, not based on somebody else’s priorities.”

The Context of India-Russia Relations

India’s relationship with Russia has been a persistent point of friction with Western nations, particularly since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. While the US, European Union, and other Western nations imposed comprehensive sanctions on Moscow and provided military aid to Ukraine, India maintained a notably independent stance — continuing to purchase Russian oil at discounted prices, maintaining diplomatic engagement, and abstaining from UN votes condemning the invasion.

The Western frustration with India’s position intensified as India became one of the largest buyers of Russian crude oil, helping sustain Moscow’s revenue stream during the sanctions regime. European leaders have repeatedly urged India to take a stronger stand against Russia, arguing that the principles of territorial integrity and sovereignty that underpin the international order are at stake.

India’s response, articulated consistently by Jaishankar and Prime Minister Modi, has been that India’s foreign policy is guided by its national interest, not by alliance politics. New Delhi has argued that its energy purchases from Russia are essential for the welfare of its 1.4 billion citizens, that it has consistently called for peace and dialogue, and that its relationship with Russia — which dates back decades and includes critical defence supplies — cannot be reduced to the Ukraine conflict.

The Weapons Argument

Jaishankar’s specific reference to European weapons being used against India is rooted in historical and contemporary reality. During the 1999 Kargil War with Pakistan, India found itself facing adversaries equipped with European-made weapons and technology. France supplied Mirage fighter aircraft to Pakistan, and various European nations have historically supplied military equipment to countries in India’s neighbourhood that have posed security challenges to New Delhi. (Related: Japan Bans Indian Mango Imports After 20 Years Ove…)

More recently, the proliferation of European arms to Middle Eastern and South Asian nations has been a concern for Indian security planners. The global arms trade, in which European nations — particularly France, Germany, and the UK — are major players, has often supplied weapons to nations whose interests conflict with India’s. This reality, Jaishankar implied, makes European critiques of India’s Russia relationship hypocritical.

The argument resonated strongly in India, where Jaishankar’s forthright diplomatic style has made him one of the most popular members of the Modi government. Indian media and social media widely covered his remarks, with many commentators praising his willingness to call out what they see as Western double standards.

India’s Multi-Alignment Strategy

India’s approach to the current global order has been described as “multi-alignment” — maintaining relationships with all major powers while avoiding exclusive alignment with any single bloc. This strategy, which has deep roots in India’s post-independence Non-Aligned Movement philosophy, has been updated for the 21st century under the Modi government.

Under this framework, India simultaneously deepens its partnership with the United States (including the Quad, defence agreements, and technology cooperation), maintains its historically close relationship with Russia (particularly in defence and energy), engages economically with China despite border tensions, and builds ties with the European Union, Middle Eastern nations, and the Global South. (Related: India Defence Budget Hits Record Rs 7.85 Lakh Cror…)

The approach has its critics. Some argue that India cannot indefinitely balance between competing power blocs and will eventually be forced to choose sides. Others contend that India’s neutrality on Ukraine has cost it diplomatic goodwill in Europe without delivering commensurate benefits from Russia.

Jaishankar and the Indian diplomatic establishment reject this binary framing. “The world is not a zero-sum game,” Jaishankar has said previously. “India’s relationships with Russia do not come at the expense of our relationships with Europe or America, any more than Europe’s arms sales come at the expense of its stated values.”

The European Response

European diplomats responded cautiously to Jaishankar’s remarks. A spokesperson for the EU’s External Action Service said: “We respect India’s sovereign right to determine its foreign policy. At the same time, we believe that the rules-based international order benefits all nations, including India, and we encourage all partners to support the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

Behind the scenes, European officials acknowledge that India’s position is unlikely to change and that the relationship must be managed pragmatically. The EU-India trade deal currently under negotiation, cooperation on climate change, and shared interests in the Indo-Pacific mean that neither side can afford a rupture.

As the global order continues to shift — with the US-Iran war, the ongoing Ukraine conflict, and rising US-China tensions creating new pressure points — India’s multi-alignment strategy faces its greatest test. Jaishankar’s blunt messaging to Europe is a signal that New Delhi will navigate these challenges on its own terms, regardless of external pressure.

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The constellation builds on an initial plan for 52 satellites and has since been expanded to 55 to provide additional redundancy and coverage. The system is designed to ensure that Indian military commanders have continuous access to high-resolution imagery and signals intelligence from space, eliminating the coverage gaps that currently exist with India’s limited fleet of military observation satellites.

Architecture and Technology

The constellation employs what defence planners call a Proliferated Low Earth Orbit (pLEO) architecture — a strategy that distributes capability across many small, relatively inexpensive satellites rather than concentrating it in a few large, expensive ones. This approach, pioneered by the United States Space Development Agency, offers two critical advantages: resilience against anti-satellite attacks and lower individual replacement costs.

The satellite fleet will incorporate a hybrid imaging system combining Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) for all-weather, day-and-night surveillance with high-resolution optical sensors for detailed visual imagery. SAR technology is particularly valuable in the Indian context, where cloud cover, monsoon conditions, and nighttime operations frequently limit the utility of conventional optical satellites.

The programme also includes secure inter-satellite communication links, enabling the constellation to relay data rapidly between nodes and downlink intelligence to ground stations with minimal latency. This capability is essential for time-sensitive military applications, from detecting troop movements to monitoring naval activities across the Indian Ocean. The project fits within India’s broader $13 billion space economy that encompasses both civilian and defence applications.

Why India Needs Space-Based Surveillance

India’s current space-based military surveillance relies on a handful of dedicated defence satellites supplemented by dual-use earth observation platforms. While these systems — including the RISAT radar imaging series and the Cartosat optical satellites — have served the armed forces well, they provide coverage windows rather than continuous monitoring.

In a modern military environment, where adversaries can exploit gaps between satellite passes to move assets, launch operations, or conduct tests, continuous coverage is no longer a luxury but a necessity. China’s rapidly expanding space programme, which includes dedicated military constellations numbering in the hundreds, has accelerated India’s urgency to build comparable capabilities.

The border situation along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China adds another dimension. High-altitude terrain, extreme weather, and vast distances make ground-based surveillance challenging. Space-based assets can monitor infrastructure development, troop deployments, and equipment movements across the entire LAC simultaneously, providing strategic warning that ground sensors cannot match. ISRO’s expanded role in defence-adjacent space missions has been instrumental in advancing this capability.

Role of Indian Private Space Companies

A distinctive feature of the 55-satellite programme is its reliance on India’s private space sector for key components. Under the Mission DefSpace framework, administered through the Innovations for Defence Excellence (iDEX) programme, private startups are being tasked with developing dual-use technologies including satellite bus platforms, miniaturised sensors, debris management systems, and secure communication modules.

Companies like Pixxel, which already operates commercial hyperspectral imaging satellites, are potential candidates for supplying sensor technology. Dhruva Space, which builds satellite platforms, and Azista-BST Aerospace, which manufactures spacecraft subsystems, are among the firms positioned to contribute. The involvement of private companies is expected to reduce costs and accelerate production timelines compared to a purely government-led approach.

This public-private collaboration mirrors the approach taken by the United States with its SDA Tranche programmes, where commercial satellite manufacturers build systems to military specifications. For India’s space startups, defence contracts of this scale represent a transformative business opportunity — and a validation of the government’s decision to open the sector. The programme is being developed alongside ISRO’s Gaganyaan human spaceflight programme and other high-priority missions.

Launch Strategy and Timeline

Launching 55 satellites requires a robust and flexible launch strategy. ISRO’s PSLV, which has a proven track record of deploying multiple satellites in a single mission, is expected to handle a significant portion of the launches. However, the programme may also utilise commercial launch providers — including India’s emerging private launch companies — to maintain the required deployment cadence.

The first batch of satellites is expected to reach orbit by late 2027, with the full constellation operational by 2030. The phased deployment allows the military to begin utilising partial constellation capability even as additional satellites are being manufactured and launched. The constellation’s design incorporates on-orbit sparing, meaning extra satellites are positioned in orbit to quickly replace any that malfunction or are damaged.

Geopolitical Context

India’s military space expansion comes against the backdrop of accelerating orbital weaponisation globally. China conducted a controversial anti-satellite missile test as early as 2007 and has since developed co-orbital inspection vehicles, directed-energy systems, and cyber capabilities targeting space assets. Russia has tested ground-based anti-satellite missiles, most recently in 2021 when it destroyed one of its own defunct satellites, generating thousands of debris fragments.

India itself demonstrated anti-satellite capability in 2019 with Mission Shakti, which destroyed a low-orbit target satellite. However, the 55-satellite constellation represents a shift from offensive demonstration to defensive resilience — the idea being that a proliferated architecture with dozens of replaceable nodes is far harder to neutralise than a small number of high-value targets. This strategic pivot aligns with the global push toward responsible space operations and debris mitigation.

For the Indian military, the constellation promises to be a game-changer. From monitoring Chinese infrastructure along the LAC to tracking naval movements in the Indian Ocean, from providing targeting data for precision strikes to supporting humanitarian operations during natural disasters, the applications are vast. As India’s defence budget grows and its scientific and space capabilities expand, the 55-satellite constellation stands as one of the most important strategic investments of the decade.

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