“Let me be very direct. European weapons have been used against India. European countries have supplied arms to nations that have been hostile to us,” Jaishankar said. “So when Europe lectures India about our relationships, we find it a bit rich. We will make our foreign policy based on our national interest, not based on somebody else’s priorities.”

The Context of India-Russia Relations

India’s relationship with Russia has been a persistent point of friction with Western nations, particularly since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. While the US, European Union, and other Western nations imposed comprehensive sanctions on Moscow and provided military aid to Ukraine, India maintained a notably independent stance — continuing to purchase Russian oil at discounted prices, maintaining diplomatic engagement, and abstaining from UN votes condemning the invasion.

The Western frustration with India’s position intensified as India became one of the largest buyers of Russian crude oil, helping sustain Moscow’s revenue stream during the sanctions regime. European leaders have repeatedly urged India to take a stronger stand against Russia, arguing that the principles of territorial integrity and sovereignty that underpin the international order are at stake.

India’s response, articulated consistently by Jaishankar and Prime Minister Modi, has been that India’s foreign policy is guided by its national interest, not by alliance politics. New Delhi has argued that its energy purchases from Russia are essential for the welfare of its 1.4 billion citizens, that it has consistently called for peace and dialogue, and that its relationship with Russia — which dates back decades and includes critical defence supplies — cannot be reduced to the Ukraine conflict.

The Weapons Argument

Jaishankar’s specific reference to European weapons being used against India is rooted in historical and contemporary reality. During the 1999 Kargil War with Pakistan, India found itself facing adversaries equipped with European-made weapons and technology. France supplied Mirage fighter aircraft to Pakistan, and various European nations have historically supplied military equipment to countries in India’s neighbourhood that have posed security challenges to New Delhi. (Related: Japan Bans Indian Mango Imports After 20 Years Ove…)

More recently, the proliferation of European arms to Middle Eastern and South Asian nations has been a concern for Indian security planners. The global arms trade, in which European nations — particularly France, Germany, and the UK — are major players, has often supplied weapons to nations whose interests conflict with India’s. This reality, Jaishankar implied, makes European critiques of India’s Russia relationship hypocritical.

The argument resonated strongly in India, where Jaishankar’s forthright diplomatic style has made him one of the most popular members of the Modi government. Indian media and social media widely covered his remarks, with many commentators praising his willingness to call out what they see as Western double standards.

India’s Multi-Alignment Strategy

India’s approach to the current global order has been described as “multi-alignment” — maintaining relationships with all major powers while avoiding exclusive alignment with any single bloc. This strategy, which has deep roots in India’s post-independence Non-Aligned Movement philosophy, has been updated for the 21st century under the Modi government.

Under this framework, India simultaneously deepens its partnership with the United States (including the Quad, defence agreements, and technology cooperation), maintains its historically close relationship with Russia (particularly in defence and energy), engages economically with China despite border tensions, and builds ties with the European Union, Middle Eastern nations, and the Global South. (Related: India Defence Budget Hits Record Rs 7.85 Lakh Cror…)

The approach has its critics. Some argue that India cannot indefinitely balance between competing power blocs and will eventually be forced to choose sides. Others contend that India’s neutrality on Ukraine has cost it diplomatic goodwill in Europe without delivering commensurate benefits from Russia.

Jaishankar and the Indian diplomatic establishment reject this binary framing. “The world is not a zero-sum game,” Jaishankar has said previously. “India’s relationships with Russia do not come at the expense of our relationships with Europe or America, any more than Europe’s arms sales come at the expense of its stated values.”

The European Response

European diplomats responded cautiously to Jaishankar’s remarks. A spokesperson for the EU’s External Action Service said: “We respect India’s sovereign right to determine its foreign policy. At the same time, we believe that the rules-based international order benefits all nations, including India, and we encourage all partners to support the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

Behind the scenes, European officials acknowledge that India’s position is unlikely to change and that the relationship must be managed pragmatically. The EU-India trade deal currently under negotiation, cooperation on climate change, and shared interests in the Indo-Pacific mean that neither side can afford a rupture.

As the global order continues to shift — with the US-Iran war, the ongoing Ukraine conflict, and rising US-China tensions creating new pressure points — India’s multi-alignment strategy faces its greatest test. Jaishankar’s blunt messaging to Europe is a signal that New Delhi will navigate these challenges on its own terms, regardless of external pressure.

The post Jaishankar Hits Back at European Criticism of India’s Russia Policy — ‘European Weapons Have Been Used Against India’ appeared first on Daily Tips.

Russia launched its most extensive nuclear military exercises in years on 19 May 2026, mobilizing nearly 65,000 troops, over 200 missile launchers, 140 aircraft, 73 surface vessels, and 13 submarines, including eight strategic nuclear submarines, in a three-day drill that has sent alarm through NATO capitals and raised global tensions to levels not seen since the early phases of the Ukraine conflict. The Russian Defence Ministry announced the manoeuvres without prior public notice, framing them as a rehearsal for the preparation and use of nuclear forces in the event of a threat of aggression.

The exercises involved the Strategic Missile Forces, the Northern and Pacific Fleets, the Long-Range Aviation Command, and units from the Leningrad and Central Military Districts. Live launches of ballistic and cruise missiles at test ranges inside Russia were planned as part of the drills, adding a kinetic dimension that goes beyond the simulated scenarios of routine exercises. The scope and scale of the operation exceed anything Russia has undertaken in recent years, including the annual Grom strategic exercises that are typically held in October.

The timing of the drills has drawn particular scrutiny from Western intelligence agencies and defence analysts. Russia had not previously announced nuclear exercises for May, and the decision to stage an unannounced drill in the middle of the month breaks with established patterns. The last time Moscow staged a surprise nuclear exercise was in the summer of 2024, when it focused on non-strategic or tactical nuclear weapons, apparently timed to coincide with Western debates over supplying long-range missiles to Ukraine.

Belarus Connection Raises NATO Alarm

One of the most concerning aspects of the exercises is the involvement of Belarusian territory and military assets. Reports from multiple defence sources indicate that Russian nuclear warheads have been delivered to launch sites in Belarus, a development that represents a significant escalation of Russia’s nuclear posture in Europe. Belarus, which shares borders with NATO members Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia, agreed to host Russian tactical nuclear weapons in 2023, but the operational deployment of warheads and launchers during military exercises adds a new dimension of risk.

NATO officials have responded to the exercises with a combination of measured public statements and behind-the-scenes military adjustments. The alliance’s Supreme Allied Commander Europe has reportedly placed NATO’s nuclear deterrent forces on heightened readiness, and several member states have increased air patrols over their eastern borders. The Baltic states, which feel most directly threatened by Russian military activity in Belarus, have called for an emergency session of the NATO Military Committee to discuss the alliance’s response.

The Belarusian government, led by President Alexander Lukashenko, has maintained that the hosting of Russian nuclear weapons is a defensive measure designed to deter Western aggression. However, Western governments view the deployment as part of a broader Russian strategy to use nuclear coercion as a tool of political and military influence, particularly in the context of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine and the broader confrontation between Russia and the West.

Analysts Assess Russia’s Strategic Intentions

Defence analysts at the Institute for the Study of War and other research organisations have assessed that the current drills are designed to serve multiple strategic objectives simultaneously. First and foremost, they demonstrate Russia’s nuclear readiness to an international audience, signalling that Moscow retains the capability and willingness to employ its nuclear arsenal if it perceives an existential threat. This demonstration effect is aimed at both Western decision-makers and domestic audiences.

Second, the exercises are widely interpreted as an attempt to influence NATO decision-making on several pending issues, including the provision of additional military support to Ukraine, the possible expansion of NATO’s force posture in Eastern Europe, and discussions about Ukraine’s potential path to NATO membership. By staging dramatic nuclear exercises at a politically sensitive moment, Russia seeks to inject caution into Western deliberations and reinforce the perception that escalation carries catastrophic risks.

Third, analysts note that the exercises serve to mask potential weaknesses in Russia’s conventional military forces, which have been severely tested by the prolonged conflict in Ukraine. By emphasising its nuclear capabilities, Russia compensates for the degradation of its conventional military strength and ensures that its deterrent remains credible even as its ground forces face mounting challenges. The exercises also provide practical training value for Russia’s strategic forces, testing command and control systems, communication networks, and launch procedures under realistic conditions.

Global Nuclear Tensions at Highest Point in Decades

The Russian exercises come at a time when global nuclear tensions are arguably at their highest point since the end of the Cold War. The US-Iran confrontation in West Asia, which includes concerns about Iran’s nuclear programme, has added another dimension to the global nuclear landscape. China’s ongoing expansion of its nuclear arsenal, North Korea’s continued missile development programme, and India and Pakistan’s nuclear postures all contribute to an increasingly complex and dangerous nuclear environment.

The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, which maintains the symbolic Doomsday Clock, has set the clock at its closest point to midnight in its history, reflecting the organisation’s assessment that the risk of nuclear catastrophe has never been higher. Arms control frameworks that were built over decades of careful diplomacy have been progressively dismantled, with the collapse of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, the uncertain future of the New START agreement, and the absence of any meaningful nuclear dialogue between the major powers.

Russia’s nuclear arsenal remains the world’s largest, with the Federation of American Scientists estimating a total active stockpile of approximately 4,400 warheads. The country’s strategic triad of land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles, submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and air-launched cruise missiles provides a redundant and survivable nuclear deterrent that can withstand a first strike and deliver devastating retaliation. The current exercises appear designed to demonstrate all three legs of this triad simultaneously.

Implications for India and the Indo-Pacific

While the immediate focus of Russia’s nuclear exercises is on the European theatre and the NATO relationship, the implications extend to India and the broader Indo-Pacific region. India maintains a significant defence relationship with Russia, purchasing military hardware including the S-400 air defence system, and the two countries participate in regular bilateral and multilateral military exercises. However, Russia’s increasingly aggressive nuclear posture creates diplomatic complications for India, which has sought to maintain a balanced position between Russia and the West.

India’s own nuclear doctrine, which is based on credible minimum deterrence and a no-first-use policy, stands in contrast to Russia’s more flexible nuclear posture that explicitly allows for the first use of nuclear weapons in response to an existential threat to the state. The divergence in nuclear doctrines, combined with the growing instability of the global nuclear order, reinforces the importance of India’s ongoing modernisation of its own nuclear deterrent and delivery systems.

The exercises also have implications for global commodity markets that directly affect India. Any escalation of tensions between Russia and NATO could disrupt energy supplies, trigger risk-off sentiment in financial markets, and drive up commodity prices at a time when the Indian economy is already navigating challenges from the West Asia crisis and rupee depreciation. India’s diplomatic and security establishment will be monitoring the situation closely, calibrating its response to protect its strategic interests while maintaining its traditionally independent foreign policy stance.

The Path Ahead

The Russian nuclear exercises are scheduled to conclude after three days, but their impact on the global security landscape will reverberate far longer. The immediate question is whether the exercises lead to any change in NATO’s own nuclear posture or force deployment decisions that could further escalate the cycle of military signalling and counter-signalling that has characterised the Russia-NATO relationship since 2022.

Diplomatic channels remain open but strained. The United Nations Secretary-General has called for restraint and urged all nuclear-armed states to recommit to disarmament and arms control negotiations. However, the political will required to rebuild the collapsing nuclear governance architecture appears absent among the major powers, each of which is investing heavily in modernising and expanding its nuclear capabilities. In this environment, exercises like Russia’s latest serve as a sobering reminder that the spectre of nuclear conflict, which many hoped had receded with the end of the Cold War, remains very much a present and growing danger.

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